How many custers died at little bighorn
By the late s, most Native Americans had been forced onto so-called Indian reservations or killed outright. Vowing to avoid the same fate, the Plains Indians settled in for a long and fierce holdout. In the hopes of squashing the livelihood of the Native American people on the Plains, the government allowed the railroads to kill scores of buffalo herds to lay railroad tracks.
They also urged hunters to kill as many buffalo as possible without oversight and encouraged trains to stop so passengers could massacre buffalo for sport. The more the white colonizers needlessly slaughtered buffalo, the angrier Indigenous people grew. Some staged brutal attacks on settlers and railroad workers without regard to age or gender. By the time Custer arrived on the scene in , the war between the army and the Plains Indians was in full force. Left to right are Generals Francis C.
Barlow, David B. Birney, Winfield S. Hancock seated , and John Gibbon. Each of these officers was wounded during the Battle of Gettysburg. Hancock carry out a shock-and-awe campaign to overwhelm the tribal nations. At the end of the campaign, Custer deserted and joined his wife at Fort Riley. He was court-martialed in and suspended without rank and pay for one year.
The fact that Custer—a highly-decorated and well-respected commander—deserted perplexed many of his men and his superiors. It also demonstrated his inclination to make rash decisions, a trait that some say would have deadly consequences later. In September , he returned to duty before his court-martial sentence was up and resumed command of the 7th Cavalry. On November 28, he led a campaign against a village of Cheyenne led by Chief Black Kettle, killing all Native American warriors present and earning himself a reputation as a ruthless fighter.
Over the next several years, Custer discovered that fighting Indigenous people was much different than fighting Confederate soldiers. The Indigenous warriors were spread out. They rode fast ponies and knew the terrain better than Custer ever could. Little did Custer know at the time the two Indigenous leaders would play a role in his death a few years later. In , the U. However, after gold was discovered in the Black Hills in , the government had a change of heart and decided to break the treaty and take over the land.
Custer was tasked with relocating all Native Americans in the area to reservations by January 31, Those that could, left their reservations and traveled to Montana to join forces with Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse at their fast-growing camp.
Thousands strong, the group eventually settled on banks of the Little Bighorn River. The U. Army dispatched three columns of soldiers, including Custer and his 7th Cavalry, to round up Indigenous people and return them to their reservations.
John Koster, one of the contributing writers to Wild West for whom the Little Bighorn borders on obsession, came up with a similar statistic:. I believe he said there were seven Cheyenne and 19 Lakota. Major Marcus Reno said he saw 18 dead Indian warriors on the battlefield. Since the Lakota leave their dead above-ground on scaffolds, in burial tepees or in trees, this would fit the One Bull tally closely.
Now, according to Spider and Standing Bear, he was ready to fight. By the time Crazy Horse caught up with his cousin Kicking Bear and Red Feather, it was hard to see the soldiers in the woods, but there was a lot of shooting; bullets clattered through tree limbs and sent leaves fluttering to the ground. Several Indians had already been killed, and others were wounded. There was shouting and singing; some women who had stayed behind were calling out the high-pitched, ululating cry called the tremolo.
Brothers-in-law, now your friends have come. Take courage. Would you see me taken captive? Do your best, and let us kill them all off today, that they may not trouble us anymore. All ready!
Crazy Horse and all the rest now raced their horses directly into the soldiers. We got right among the soldiers and killed a lot with our bows and arrows and tomahawks. Crazy Horse was ahead of all, and he killed a lot of them with his war club.
Many of the Indians charged across the river after the soldiers and chased them as they raced up the bluffs toward a hill now known as Reno Hill, for the major who led the soldiers. White Eagle, the son of Oglala chief Horned Horse, was killed in the chase.
A soldier stopped just long enough to scalp him—one quick circle-cut with a sharp knife, then a yank on a fistful of hair to rip the skin loose. The whites had the worst of it.
More than 30 were killed before they reached the top of the hill and dismounted to make a stand. Among the bodies of men and horses left on the flat by the river below were two wounded Ree scouts. Some of the Indians chased them to the top of the hill, but many others, like Black Elk, lingered to pick up guns and ammunition, to pull the clothes off dead soldiers or to catch runaway horses.
Crazy Horse promptly turned back with his men toward the center of the great camp. The only Indian to offer an explanation of his abrupt withdrawal was Gall, who speculated that Crazy Horse and Crow King, a leading man of the Hunkpapa, feared a second attack on the camp from some point north.
Gall said they had seen soldiers heading that way along the bluffs on the opposite bank. The fight along the river flat—from the first sighting of soldiers riding toward the Hunkpapa camp until the last of them crossed the river and made their way to the top of the hill—had lasted about an hour. During that time, a second group of soldiers had shown itself at least three times on the eastern heights above the river.
The first sighting came only a minute or two after the first group began to ride toward the Hunkpapa camp—about five minutes past 3. Ten minutes later, just before the first group formed a skirmish line, the second group was sighted across the river again, this time on the very hill where the first group would take shelter after their mad retreat across the river.
At about half-past 3, the second group was seen yet again on a high point above the river not quite halfway between Reno Hill and the Cheyenne village at the northern end of the big camp. By then the first group was retreating into the timber.
It is likely that the second group of soldiers got their first clear view of the long sprawl of the Indian camp from this high bluff, later called Weir Point. In effect, White Thunder said, the second group of soldiers had been surrounded even before they began to fight.
From the spot where the first group of soldiers retreated across the river to the next crossing place at the northern end of the big camp was about three miles—roughly a minute ride. It was here, Indians say, that the second group of soldiers came closest to the river and to the Indian camp.
Approaching the ford at an angle from the high ground to the southeast was a dry creek bed in a shallow ravine now known as Medicine Tail Coulee. Two Moons was in the Cheyenne camp when he spotted soldiers coming over an intervening ridge and descending toward the river. Gall and three other Indians were watching the same soldiers from a high point on the eastern side of the river.
Well out in front were two soldiers. Ten years later, Gall identified them as Custer and his orderly, but more probably it was not. This man he called Custer was in no hurry, Gall said. From that time on Custer acted on the defensive. Others, including Iron Hawk and Feather Earring, confirmed that Custer and his men got no closer to the river than that—several hundred yards back up the coulee. Most of the soldiers were still farther back up the hill.
Some soldiers fired into the Indian camp, which was almost deserted. The few Indians at Minneconjou Ford fired back. The earlier pattern repeated itself. The battle known as the Custer Fight began when the small, leading detachment of soldiers approaching the river retreated toward higher ground at about This was the last move the soldiers would take freely; from this moment on everything they did was in response to an Indian attack growing rapidly in intensity.
As described by Indian participants, the fighting followed the contour of the ground, and its pace was determined by the time it took for Indians to gather in force and the comparatively few minutes it took for each successive group of soldiers to be killed or driven back.
The path of the battle follows a sweeping arc up out of Medicine Tail Coulee across another swale into a depression known as Deep Coulee, which in turn opens up and out into a rising slope cresting at Calhoun Ridge, rising to Calhoun Hill, and then proceeds, still rising, past a depression in the ground identified as the Keogh site to a second elevation known as Custer Hill.
Only a small detachment had approached the river. By the time this group rejoined the rest, the soldiers occupied a line from Calhoun Hill along the backbone to Custer Hill, a distance of a little over half a mile. The uphill route from Medicine Tail Coulee over to Deep Coulee and up the ridge toward Custer Hill would have been about a mile and a half or a little more.
Think of it as a running fight, as the survivors of each separate clash made their way along the backbone toward Custer at the end; in effect the command collapsed back in on itself. As described by the Indians, this phase of the battle began with the scattering of shots near Minneconjou Ford, unfolding then in brief, devastating clashes at Calhoun Ridge, Calhoun Hill and the Keogh site, climaxing in the killing of Custer and his entourage on Custer Hill and ending with the pursuit and killing of about 30 soldiers who raced on foot from Custer Hill toward the river down a deep ravine.
Distances were great, but the air was still, and the. Once the fighting began it never died away, the last scattering shots continuing until night fell. The officers at Weir Point also saw a general movement of Indians—more Indians than any of them had ever encountered before—heading their way.
There was no other way to make a stand or maintain a stout defense. A brief period followed of deliberate fighting on foot. As Indians arrived they got off their horses, sought cover and began to converge on the soldiers. From one moment to the next, the Indians popped up to shoot before dropping back down again. No man on either side could show himself without drawing fire. In battle the Indians often wore their feathers down flat to help in concealment.
The soldiers appear to have taken off their hats for the same reason; a number of Indians noted hatless soldiers, some dead and some still fighting. From their position on Calhoun Hill the soldiers were making an orderly, concerted defense. When some Indians approached, a detachment of soldiers rose up and charged downhill on foot, driving the Indians back to the lower end of Calhoun Ridge.
Some Indians noted a second skirmish line as well, stretching perhaps yards away along the backbone toward Custer Hill.
It was in the fighting around Calhoun Hill, many Indians reported later, that the Indians suffered the most fatalities—11 in all.
But almost as soon as the skirmish line was thrown out from Calhoun Hill, some Indians pressed in again, snaking up to shooting distance of the men on Calhoun Ridge; others made their way around to the eastern slope of the hill, where they opened a heavy, deadly fire on soldiers holding the horses.
Loss of the horses also meant loss of the saddlebags with the reserve ammunition, about 50 rounds per man. When a horse holder was shot, the frightened horses would lunge about. Some of the Indians quit fighting to chase them. The fighting was intense, bloody, at times hand to hand.
Men died by knife and club as well as by gunfire. The Cheyenne Brave Bear saw an officer riding a sorrel horse shoot two Indians with his revolver before he was killed himself.
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